knot wrote:Well, it is us vs them.
I think we can't really have this discussion if we don't at least agree on the basic premise that nationality/cultural background is not a reasonable criteria to take into account when deciding on the moral consideration that we owe human beings.
The current orthodoxy rests on the vague assumption about the community's right to determine its membership, and that helping "outsiders" is a sign of charitable character.
A consequentialist would think instead that immigration policies should be based on the interests of all those affected. Where the interests of different parties conflict, more pressing or fundamental interests take precedence over less fundamental interests.
knot wrote: Yes, it's a lose-lose situation [...] The consequences will be terrible for everyone.
The most pressing and fundamental interests of the refugees are at stake.
How much the residents of the recipient nations will be affected will vary. We shouldn't assume that the residents will be affected for the worse - the economy may receive a boost from an intake of newcomers, which is very probable in the context of the ageing and shrinking population of Europe.
There are also other possible and more diffuse consequences that we need to think about, like that taking large numbers of refugees might encourage the flow of refugees in the future, or that it will enhance resentment in the local population.
If we help them, we have a complex mix of consequences to be considered, some definite, some highly speculative.
Not helping them will result in some definite negative consequences, and these will be mainly directed towards the migrants - which makes it easy for us to say "not my problem". Morally, it is though.
However, it wouldn't just lead to negative consequences for them. It's also not politically feasible for Europe, since the alternative can have potentially worse consequences.
knot wrote:So why allow people in?
You may say that what is moral is not necessarily politically acceptable. Let's consider the political alternatives to letting them in. There are more possible points of intervention:
One thought is to try to attack the problem at its source by ending the civil war in Syria. This is much easier said than done — Russia recently entered the scene, complicating a battlefield already divided among multiple players with radically different motivations. From the EU's perspective, this is not a viable approach.
Another component would be to move one link further up the chain and request Turkey's cooperation to stop the flow of migrants. And Turkey's price is quite high: Erdogan asked for 3 billion euros, the relaxation of visa restrictions on Turkish travel in Europe and a jump-start to Turkey's EU accession.
Brussels could likely raise the money, but the other two conditions are more difficult. Especially Germany is home to the vast majority of Turkish immigrants into Europe, and tensions have long been high over the issue. A solution that mitigates the refugees issue but brings in more Turkish migrants would simply replace one problem with another.
This brings the EU another step along the route, to Greece, which could hypothetically return to the draconian measures of the previous administration to discourage migration. Greece's immigration policies were already criticized on human rights grounds and if Brussels called for this publicly, it would face backlash. Even if they did, boarding and seizing vessels in international waters is only a palliative measure that will have a limited effect.
More importantly, if the EU were to ask a favor from Greece, Syriza would be able to use this as a bargaining chip, after Brussels spent the first half of 2015 forcing Athens to adopt economic reform - the last thing it wants to do is give Athens an excuse to delay.
After the migrants leave Greece, it becomes harder for the EU to contain the problem. The Syrians have a particularly strong case for asylum, and it's extremely hard to repatriate them. The EU wants to keep the Balkan countries from confronting one another over migrant flows. At the same time, the bloc wants to keep borders within Europe as open as possible to preserve the union's structure and core functions.
I wouldn't blame Europe if it decided that trying to find better ways to absorb refugees is more feasible than keeping them out.